Machine: Minimalist Derivations

Examples:

Basic sentence patterns: expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
(1) John saw Mary	[mary, d, see, 'v*', [john, d], 'Tpast', c]	Transitive sentence: v* values acc Case, has edge theta-position.
(2) John runs	[run, 'v_unerg', [john, d], 'T', c]	Unergative sentence: v_unerg has edge theta-position.
(3) A man arrives	[man, a, arrive, 'v~unacc', 'T' ,c]	Unaccusative sentence: v~unacc checks theta and has an edge feature. (See Sobin examples.)
(4) There arrived a man	[man, a, arrive,'v~unacc', there, 'Tpast', c]	Expletive unaccusative construction: v~unacc checks theta and edge feature satisfied by merge of there.
(5) John was arrested	[john, d, arrest, prt, 'v~', 'Tpast' ,c]	Passive sentence: v* replaced by v~ and prt. v~ checks theta. (See Sobin examples.) Passive participle prt has uCase and uPhi. (See Deriv by Phase examples.)
(6) Who saw John?	[john, d, see, 'v*', [who, q], 'Tpast', c_Q]	Subject wh-question: c_Q has uWh and uT simultaneously valued by corresponding features on who. (See Pesetsky & Torrego examples.)
(7) What does John see?	[what:n, q, see, 'v*', [john, d], 'T', c_Q]	Object wh-question: c_Q has uWh and uT valued from what and (head of) T, respectively. (See Pesetsky & Torrego examples.)
(8) Who arrived?	[who, q, arrive,'v~unacc', 'Tpast', c_Q]	Unaccusative wh-question: c_Q uWh and uT simultaneously valued by who. (See Pesetsky & Torrego examples.)

Derivation by Phase (Chomsky 2001): expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
(4)(ii)(a) There are likely to be several prizes awarded cf. There are likely to be awarded several prizes	[prizes, several, award, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tinf', likely, v_be, 'T', c]	Expletive passive with raising verb. Leftwards TH/EX. T values nom Case for prt and several prizes. Several prizes values uPhi for prt and T.
(4)(ii)(b) Several prizes are likely to be awarded	[prizes, several, award, prt, 'v~', 'Tinf', likely, v_be, 'T', c]	Several prizes raises to matrix subject.
(4)(iii)(a) We expect there to be several prizes awarded We expect there to be awarded several prizes	[prizes, several, award, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tinf', expect, 'v*', [we, d], 'T', c]	Expletive passive with exceptional Case Marking (ECM) transitive verb. Leftwards TH/EX. v* values acc Case for prt and several prizes. Several prizes values uPhi for prt and v*.
(4)(iii) (b) We expect several prizes to be awarded	[prizes, several, award, prt, 'v~', 'Tinf', expect, 'v*', [we, d], 'T', c]
(15)(ii) There is likely to arrive a man	[man, a, arrive, 'v~unacc', there, 'Tinf', likely, 'v_be', 'T', c]	Raising verb with unaccusative.
(16)(ii) We expect there to arrive a man	[man, a, arrive, 'v~unacc', there, 'Tinf', expect, 'v*', [we, d], 'T', c]	ECM transitive verb with unaccusative.
(18)(a) There seem to have been several fish caught cf. There seem to have been caught several fish	[fish, several, catch, prt, 'v~', there, perf, v, 'Tinf', seem, v_nop, 'T', c]	Raising verb with participial passive.
(18)(b) We expect there to have been several fish caught cf. We expect there to have been caught several fish	[fish, several, catch, prt, 'v~', there, perf, v, 'Tinf', expect, 'v*', [we, d], 'T', c]	ECM transitive verb with participial passive.
(20)(b)(i) There were several fish believed to have been caught cf. There were believed to have been several fish caught cf. There were believed to have been caught several fish	[fish, several, catch, prt, 'v~', perf, v, 'Tinf', believe, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c]	Passivized ECM verb with participial passive.
(20)(b)(ii) We expected there to have been several fish believed to have been caught cf. We expected there to have been believed to have been several fish caught cf. We expected there to have been believed to have been caught several fish	[fish, several, catch, prt, 'v~', perf, v, 'Tinf', believe, prt, 'v~', there, perf, v, 'Tinf', expect, 'v*', [we, d], 'Tpast', c]	ECM transitive verb with passivized ECM verb with participial passive.
(21)(b) There is expected to arrive a man (21)(c) *A man is expected there to arrive	[man, a, arrive, 'v~unacc', 'Tinf', expect, prt, 'v~', there, 'T', c]	Passive counterpart of (16)(ii). Converges as: There is a man expected to arrive
(22)(c) *There was placed a large book on the table There was a large book placed on the table	[table, the, on, [book, large, a], place, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c]	Leftwards TH/EX. Converges as There was a large book placed on the table
(22)(e) *How many packages were there placed on the table?	[table, the, on, [packages, many, how], place, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c_Q]	Derivation converges.
(24)(a) There were several packages placed on the table cf. There were placed several packages on the table cf. (24)(b) There were placed on the table several packages	[table, the, on, [packages, several], place, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c]	Leftwards TH/EX. (24)(b) is rightwards TH/EX (not handled here).
(31)(a) What are they selling books about?	[what:n, q, about, books, d, sell, 'v*', [they, d], prog, 'v~', 'T', c_Q]	No leftwards TH/EX. 2 derivations: optional prepositional pied-piping: About what are they selling books?
(31)(b) *What are there books about being sold?	[what:n, q, about, books, d, sell, prt, 'v~', prog, 'v~', there, 'T', c_Q]	Wh-movement from extracted nominal (EN) in passive construction. No leftwards TH/EX according to Chomsky. Derivation converges with books about raised to progressive be 2 derivations: optional prepositional pied-piping: About what are there books being sold?
(38)(a) There are expected to be caught many fish (38)(b) There are expected to be many fish caught (38)(c) There are many fish expected to be caught	[fish, many, catch, prt, 'v~', 'Tinf', expect, prt, 'v~', there, 'T', c]	Converges as (38)(c) There are many fish expected to be caught. Note: in in DbyP, many fish expected to be caught in (38)(c) is analyzed as a reduced relative construction, and the complete sentence as existential there are DP.
(38)(d) Many fish are expected to be caught	[fish, many, catch, prt, 'v~', 'Tinf', expect, prt, 'v~', 'T', c]

On Phases (Chomsky, 2008): expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes

(5)(ii) Of which car did they find the driver? Which car did they find the driver of?	[car, which, of, driver, the, find, 'v*', [they, d], 'Tpast', c_Q]	Optional pied-piping: two derivations.
(6)(ii) *Of which car did the driver cause a scandal?	[scandal, a, cause, 'v*', [car, which, of, driver, the],'Tpast', c_Q]	Subject island. Crashes as c_Q cannot access wh-DP which car. wh-DP on the stack is blocked by stack entry the driver of which car. Constraint: if [_A .. [_B ..]] is pushed onto the stack, and [_B ..] from a substream is already on the stack, A subsumes B and renders B unavailable on the stack. (Implementation: a subconstituent check is performed whenever something is pushed on the stack. B is removed from the stack.)
(7)(ii) Of which car was the driver awarded a prize? Which car was the driver of awarded a prize?	[car, which, of, driver, the, [prize, a, 'G2'], award, prt, 'v~', 'Tpast', c_Q]	Chomsky: Parallel extraction to edge of c_Q and T. Implementation: assume pair-merge for the driver of which car (object) and a prize (adjunct). Assume also that move applies only in the current plane in the case of a pair-merged structure, i.e. the adjunct doesn't pied-pipe. c_Q targets of which car T targets TOS the driver of which car. Optional pied-piping: two derivations.

T-to-C Movement: Causes and Consequences. Pesetsky & Torrego (2001). expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
(5a) What did Mary buy? (5b) *What Mary bought?	[what:n, q, buy, 'v*', [mary, d], 'Tpast', c_Q]	(5a) T to matrix C => do-support. (5b) Mary to edge C blocked (FI: exclamatory).
(5c) *Who did buy the book? (5d) Who bought the book?	[book, the, buy, 'v*', [who, q], 'Tpast', c_Q]	No do-support triggered. (5c) ruled out by economy.
(23) What will Mary buy?	[what:n, q, buy, 'v*', [mary, d], will, 'T', c_Q]	Auxilary will raises to edge of C.
(24) What did John say that Mary will buy?	[what:n, q, buy, 'v*', [mary, d], will, 'T', c_eQ, say, v_unerg, [john, d], 'Tpast', c_Q]	Two derivations: (24) T to C realized as that. Or that can be omitted. c_eQ hosts wh-movement only.
(28a) Who did John say will buy the book? (28b) *Who did John say that will buy the book?	[book, the, buy, 'v*', [who, q], will, 'T', c_eQ, say, v_unerg, [john, d], 'Tpast', c_Q]	That-trace effect. (28b) ruled out by economy.
(31) Mary thinks that Sue will buy the book (33) Mary thinks Sue will buy the book	[book, the, buy, 'v*', [sue, d], will, 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, [mary, d], 'T', c]	Two derivations: (31) T to embedded C (c_e) realized as that. (33) c_e attracts subject Sue
(43a) *What a silly book did Mary buy! (43b) What a silly book Mary bought!	[book, silly, a, what:d, q, buy, 'v*', [mary, d], 'Tpast', c_Q]	(43a) T to C blocked by CI: exclamative. (43b) Mary in edge of C.
(47a) Bill asked what Mary bought (47b) Bill asked what did Mary buy (47c) Bill asked what that Mary bought	[what:n, q, buy, 'v*', [mary, d], 'Tpast', c_Qe, ask, v_unerg, [bill, d], 'Tpast', c]	Interrogative embedded C does not support T displacement. Note: same parse derived twice.
Extra test cases
Who was John meeting?	[who, q, meet, 'v*', [john, d], prog, 'v~', 'Tpast', c_Q]	Object wh-movement. Auxiliary be pied-piping.
Who was meeting John?	[john, d, meet, 'v*', [who, q], prog, 'v~', 'Tpast', c_Q]	Subject wh-movement. Auxiliary be pied-piping.
*Who do you think that saw John? Who do you think saw John?	[john, d, see, 'v*', [who, q], 'Tpast', c_eQ, think, 'v_unerg', [you, d], 'T', c_Q]	That-trace effect. Economy: no T to C.
Who do you think that John saw? Who do you think John saw?	[who, q, see, 'v*', [john, d], 'Tpast', c_eQ, think, 'v_unerg', [you, d], 'T', c_Q]	Two derivations. No that-trace effect with object.

Explaining TH/EX (Sobin, ms.) and TH/EX, Agreement, and Case in Expletive Sentences (Sobin, 2014). expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
(1c) There was a book taken from the shelf *There was taken a book from the shelf	[shelf, the, from, [book, a], take, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c]	TH/EX: a book raises to edge of PRT.
(1d) There was a book being taken from the shelf *There was being a book taken from the shelf ?There was being taken a book from the shelf	[shelf, the, from, [book, a], take, prt, 'v~', prog, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c]	TH/EX: a book raises to edge of progressive be.
(4a) There was a book about the war taken from the shelf *There was taken a book about the war from the shelf	[shelf, the, from, [book, a, [war, the, about]], take, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c]	Assume adjunct about the war pair-merges. TH/EX: a book about the war raises to edge of PRT.
(4b) What was there a book about taken from the shelf What was there taken a book about from the shelf	[shelf, the, from, [book, a, [what:n, q, about]], take, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c_Q]	Assume adjunct about what pair-merges. what cannot be extracted from the adjunct. Implementation: substream stack merge does not apply to pair-merge.
(4c) *What was there taken from the shelf	[shelf, the, from, [what:n, q], take, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c_Q]	Derivation converges (incorrectly). [c_Q] is not blocked from targeting what.
(13a) There is someone laughing (10a) *There laughed someone	[laugh, v_unerg, [someone, d], prog, 'v~', there, 'T', c]	Unergative laugh. Leftwards TH/EX not visible.
(10b) *There watched someone a flying saucer (13b) There is someone watching a flying saucer	[saucer, flying, a, watch, 'v*', [someone, d], prog, 'v~', there, 'T', c]	TH/EX: someone raises to edge of progressive be
(10c) *There fell a book on the floor (13c) There is a book falling on the floor	[book, a, fall, caus, prog, 'v~', there, 'T', c]	No visible TH/EX: assume caus selects for inchoative verbal root fall.
(10d) There arrived a train *There a train arrived	[train, a, arrive, 'v~unacc', there, 'Tpast', c]	No TH/EX.
(1b) There is a train arriving *There is arriving a train	[train, a, arrive, 'v~unacc', prog, 'v~', there, 'T', c]	TH/EX: a train raises to edge of progressive be
(12) A train arrived	[train, a, arrive, 'v~unacc', 'Tpast', c]
(22) There was someone arrested *There was arrested someone	[someone, d, arrest, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c]	TH/EX: passive expletive.
(23) There was someone being arrested There was being someone arrested There was being arrested someone	[someone, d, arrest, prt, 'v~', prog, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c]	TH/EX: someone raises to edge of progressive be.
(26a) There has arrived a train (24a) *There has a train arrived	[train, a, arrive, 'v~unacc', there, perf, v, 'T', c]	TH/EX: perfective expletive unaccusative.
(26b) a train has arrived	[train, a, arrive, 'v~unacc', perf, v, 'T', c]	Perfective unaccusative.
(17a) *There has someone laughed	[laugh, v_unerg, [someone, d], perf, v, there, 'T', c]	Derivation crashes. No place to merge there.
(17b) Someone has laughed	[laugh, v_unerg, [someone, d], perf, v, 'T', c]
(17c) There has been someone laughing *There has someone been laughing	[laugh, v_unerg, [someone, d], prog, 'v~', there, perf, v, 'T', c]	TH/EX: someone raises to edge of progressive be
(22a) There is a book available	[book, a, available, a_, 'v~', there, 'T', c]	v~ selects for stage-level predicate available.
(22b) A book is available	[book, a, available, a_, 'v~', 'T', c]
(21a) One book was tiny	[[book, one], tiny, v_be, 'Tpast', c]	v_be directly selects for the individual-level predicate tiny.
(21b) *?There was one book tiny	[[book, one], tiny, v_be, there, 'Tpast', c]	Does not converge. v_be has an edge that is filled preferentially from the stack. v_be merges TOS one book (not stream there). [Note: default policy is to prefer the stream over the stack, i.e. merge over move. The policy can be overridden from the lexicon.]
(24a) There is a problem	[problem, a, be, v_ex, there, 'T', c]	[v_ex]: obligatory there-insertion.
(24b) *A problem is	[problem, a, be, v_ex, 'T', c]	Derivation crashes. Obligatory there-insertion.
(27a) *There was taken	[take, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c]	Derivation crashes. PRT is a probe but the stack is empty
(27b) *There was taken a book	[book, a, take, prt, there, 'v~', 'Tpast', c]	Derivation crashes. In a passive expletive construction: TH/EX is obligatory. v~ finds non-theta there.
(27c) There was a book taken	[book, a, take, prt, 'v~', there, 'Tpast', c]	TH/EX: passive expletive construction. a book raises to edge of PRT.
(27d) A book was taken	[book, a, take, prt, 'v~', 'Tpast', c]
(51a) We believe there to be a book available	[book, a, available, a_, 'v~', there, 'Tinf', believe, 'v*', [we, d], 'T', c]
(51b) There seems to be a book available	[book, a, available, a_, 'v~', there, 'Tinf', seem, v_nop, 'T', c]
(51c) A book seems to be available	[book, a, available, a_, 'v~', 'Tinf', seem, v_nop, 'T', c]

Computation with doubling constituents: Pronouns and antecedents in Phase Theory. (Fong & Ginsburg, 2012). expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
(4)(a) John₁ thinks he₁ is smart John₁ thinks that he₁ is smart	[john, d, he, d, smart, v_be, 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, 'T', c]	Doubling constituent (DC) he-John. Local Extent (LE) boundary (b) at embedded C_eP triggers stacking of John. v_unerg picks up TOS John. Two derivations due to T-to-C movement (Pesetsky & Torrego, 2001).
(5)(a) *John₁ praises him₁	[john, d, he, d, praise, 'v*', 'T', c]	Does not converge. DC he-John. John not on the stack, not available for theta-merge. (No LE boundary, no stacking triggered.)
(6)(a) John₁ praises himself₁	[john, d, he, self, praise, 'v*', 'T', c]	Determiner self heads a LE. Completion of DC self-he-John triggers stacking of John. [Note: stack elements introduced by self are subject to the condition that they may only be stacked once, i.e. must be "used" (merged) in the current LE. See example (8a).] v* picks up TOS John.
(7)(a) John₁ thinks that Mary likes him₁ John₁ thinks Mary likes him₁	[john, d, he, d, like, 'v*', [mary, d], 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, 'T', c]	DC he-John. LE boundary (b) at embedded C_eP triggers stacking of John. v_unerg merges TOS John to its edge. Two derivations due to T-to-C movement (Pesetsky & Torrego, 2001).
(8)(a) *John₁ thinks that Mary likes himself₁	[john, d, he, self, like, 'v*', [mary, d], 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, 'T', c]	Does not converge. LE boundary (b) at DC self-he-John stacking of John. [Stack elements introduced by self are subject to the condition that they may only be stacked once, i.e. must be "used" (merged) in the current LE.] Edge of v* preferentially merges Mary from the stream. At the next LE boundary, embedded C_eP, John cannot be re-stacked, and falls behind the LE boundary (b). Search past a LE boundary (b) is not permitted. Derivation crashes since edge of matrix v* cannot see John on the stack.
(29) John₁ thinks that Peter thinks that Mary thinks that Bill likes him₁	[john, d, he, d, like, 'v*', [bill, d], 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, [mary, d], 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, [peter, d], 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, 'T', c]	DC he-John. C_eP triggers stacking of John. v* preferentially merges from the stream: Mary and Peter will be preferred over John on the stack. At each intermediate LE boundary, C_eP, John will be re-stacked in front of the boundary mark (b). Matrix v_unerg picks up TOS John. (No competition from the stream at this point.) Eight derivations due to T-to-C movement for each sub-clause (Pesetsky & Torrego, 2001).
(32) ?*John thinks that Peter₁ thinks that Mary thinks that Bill likes him₁	[peter, d, he, d, like, 'v*', [bill, d], 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, [mary, d], 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, [john, d], 'T', c]	DC he-Peter. Derivation proceeds as in (29) above, except no competition from the stream for v* theta-merge in 1st embedded clause (cf. matrix v*).
(38) John₁ considers himself₁ to be intelligent	[john, d, he, self, intelligent, v_be, 'Tinf', consider, 'v*', 'T', c]	DC self-he-John forms a LE boundary. John is stacked (but cannot be restacked). Complement of ECM verb consider is not a CP, and thus not a LE boundary. Matrix v* picks up TOS John .
(9)(a) *John₁ considers him₁ to be intelligent	[john, d, he, d, intelligent, v_be, 'Tinf', consider, 'v*', 'T', c]	Does not converge. DC he-John. The complement of ECM verb consider is not a LE boundary. No stacking triggered. John not on stack, not available for theta-merge at matrix v*.
(40) *John₁ thinks heself₁ is smart	[john, d, he, self, smart, v_be, 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, 'T', c]	Does not converge. DC self-he-John forms a LE boundary. John is stacked (but not permitted to be restacked). At the next LE boundary, C_eP, John cannot be restacked, and falls behinds the boundary marker (b). Matrix v_unerg fails to find John on the stack.
(42)(a) John₁ likes his₁ dog	[dog, '\'s', [john, d, he, d], like, 'v*', 'T', c]	DC he-John. 's heads a LE. DP he-John's dog triggers stacking of John. Merge likes and he-John's dog triggers stacking of he-John's dog (uCase). [Note: if [_A .. [_B ..]] is pushed onto the stack, and [_B ..] from a substream is already on the stack, A subsumes B and renders B unavailable on the stack. (See On Phases examples.) ] John is a subconstituent of he-John's dog but John, although formed in a substream, is only stacked visibly in the mainstream. Constraint does not apply. Matrix v* picks up TOS John.
(42)(b) *John₁ likes himself₁'s dog	[dog, '\'s', [john, d, he, self], like, 'v*', 'T', c]	DC self-he-John marks a LE boundary. John is stacked (but not permitted to be restacked). 's heads the next LE boundary. Since John cannot be restacked, it falls behind the boundary marker (b) and is inaccessible to matrix v*.
(45)(a) *Hannah₁ found a picture of her₁	[hannah, d, she, d, of, picture, a, find, 'v*', 'Tpast', c]	Does not converge. DC she-Hannah. Hannah not on the stack, not available for theta-merge. (No LE boundary, no stacking triggered.)
(45)(b) Hannah₁ found a picture of herself₁	[hannah, d, she, self, of, picture, a, find, 'v*', 'Tpast', c]	Determiner self heads a LE. Completion of DC self-she-Hannah triggers stacking of Hannah. v* picks up TOS Hannah.
(45)(c) *Hannah found Peter₁'s picture of him₁	[peter, d, he, d, of, picture, '\'s', find, 'v*', [hannah, d], 'Tpast', c]	Does not converge. DC he-Peter. Peter not on the stack, not available for theta-merge. (No LE boundary, no stacking triggered.)
(45)(d) Hannah found Peter₁'s picture of himself₁	[peter, d, he, self, of, picture, '\'s', find, 'v*', [hannah, d], 'Tpast', c]	Determiner self heads a LE. DP self-he-Peter triggers stacking of Peter. 's edge theta-merges with TOS Peter.
(45)(e) Hannah₁ found Peter's picture of her₁	[hannah, d, she, d, of, picture, '\'s', [peter, d], find, 'v*','Tpast', c]	DC she-Hannah. 's heads a LE. DP Peter's picture of her-Hannah triggers stacking of Hannah. v* picks up TOS Hannah.
(45)(f) Hannah₁ found Peter's picture of herself₁	[hannah, d, she, self, of, picture, '\'s', [peter, d], find, 'v*','Tpast', c]	Does not converge. Determiner self heads a LE. Completion of DC self-she-Hannah triggers stacking of Hannah. [Stack elements introduced by self are subject to the condition that they may only be stacked once, i.e. must be "used" (merged) in the current LE.] 's heads a LE Peter's picture of self-she-Hannah. Since Hannah cannot be restacked, it falls behind the boundary marker (b) and is inaccessible to matrix v*.
Extra test cases
(x1) John₁ thinks he₁ likes Mary John₁ thinks that he₁ likes Mary	[mary, d, like, 'v*', [john, d, he, d], 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, 'T', c]	DC he-John. LE boundary at C_eP triggers stacking of John. v_unerg picks up TOS John. Two derivations due to T-to-C movement (Pesetsky & Torrego, 2001).

Modeling of Coreference Relations in Multi-Object Constructions. (Fong & Ginsburg, 2012b). expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
(2)(a) I showed John₁ himself₁ in the mirror	[john, d, he, self, 'G', [mirror, the, in], show, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c]	Determiner self heads a Local Extent (LE). Doubling constituent (DC) self-he-John triggers stacking of John. TOS John is merged to the edge of G.
(2)(b) I showed John₁ to himself₁ in the mirror	[john, d, he, self, to:p, [mirror, the, in], show, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c]	(Same as (2a) but (2b) uses the lexical counterpart to G.)
(3)(b) *I showed himself₁ John₁ in the mirror	[john, d, he, self, 'G', [mirror, the, in], show, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c]	Cannot be derived. DC is he-John, cannot be John-he (John-he would result in stacking he and deriving Condition C violations.) Therefore the stream is the same as for (2a).
(16)(a) *I showed John₁ him₁ in the mirror	[john, d, he, d, 'G', [mirror, the, in], show, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c]	Does not converge. DC he-John. John not on the stack, not available for G theta-merge. (No LE boundary, no stacking triggered.)
(16)(b) *I showed John₁ to him₁ in the mirror	[john, d, he, d, to:p, [mirror, the, in], show, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c]	Same analysis as in (16a).
(4) Pictures of himself₁ worry John₁	[john, d, he, self, of, pictures, d, caus_p, worry, caus_v, 'T', c]	Determiner self heads a LE. Doubling constituent (DC) self-he-John triggers stacking of John. CAUS_p does not assign Case to the DC object. TOS John theta-merges to the edge of CAUS_p. CAUS_v values ACC Case for John and also heads a LE. At CAUS_vP, restacking of pictures of himself occurs. [Note: John is not subject to restacking. Stack elements introduced by self are subject to the condition that they may only be stacked once, i.e. must be "used" (merged) in the current LE.] T picks up TOS pictures of himself. [Note: A copy of John inside pictures of himself is raised to edge of T. However,John must be spelled out at edge of CAUS_p.]
(21) Pictures of him₁ worry John₁	[john, d, he, d, of, pictures, d, caus_p, worry, caus_v, 'T', c]	Does not converge. DC he-John. John not on the stack, not available for theta-merge to CAUS_p's edge. (No LE boundary, no stacking triggered.)

Examples from A New Approach to Tough-Constructions (Fong & Ginsburg, 2014).
Doubling Constituent (DC) approach. expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
(1) John is easy to please	[john, d, pro, please, 'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, v_be, 'T', c]	Doubling Constituent (DC) pro-John. At the Local Extent (LE) boundary, the embedded CP, John (with unvalued uCase) is re-stacked. T picks up TOS John.
(2) The violin is easy to play the sonata on	[violin, the, pro, on, [sonata, the], play, 'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, v_be, 'T', c]	DC pro-the-violin. At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, the violin (with unvalued uCase) is re-stacked. Matrix T picks up TOS the violin.
(3) *What sonata is the violin easy to play on?	[violin, the, pro, on, [sonata, what:d], play, 'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, v_be, 'T', c_Q]	Does not converge. DC pro-the-violin. what sonata is stacked (uScope). At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, what sonata (unvalued uScope) and the violin (unvalued uCase) are re-stacked. Matrix T fails to agree with TOS what sonata: nom Case clashes with acc Case assigned by embedded v*.
(4) The sonata is easy to play on this violin	[violin, this, on, [sonata, the, pro], play, 'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, v_be, 'T', c]	DC pro-the-sonata. At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, the sonata (unvalued uCase) is restacked. Matrix T picks up TOS the sonata.
(5) What violin is the sonata easy to play on?	[violin, what:d, on, [sonata, the, pro], play, 'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, v_be, 'T', c_Q]	DC pro-the-sonata. what violin is stacked (uScope). At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, the sonata (unvalued uCase) and what violin (unvalued uScope) are restacked. Matrix T picks up TOS the sonata. c_Q finds iWh what violin.
(6) Linguists are tough to please	[linguists, d, pro, please, 'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, tough, v_be, 'T', c]	(Same as (1).) DC pro-linguists. At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, linguists (with unvalued uCase) is re-stacked. T picks up TOS linguists.
(7) It is tough to please linguists	[linguists, d, please,'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, tough, v_be, it, 'T', c]	v* assigns Case to linguists. (No restacking is done at the LE boundary, the embedded CP.) Expletive it merge to the edge of v_be. Agree(matrix T,it) obtains.
(8) The book is easy to put on the table	[table, the, on, [book, the, pro], put, 'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, 'v_be', 'T', c]	(Same as (4).) DC pro-the-book. At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, the book (unvalued uCase) is restacked. Matrix T picks up TOS the book.
(9) What table is the book easy to put on?	[table, what:d, on, [book, the, pro], put, 'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, 'v_be', 'T', c_Q]	(Same as (5).) what table is stacked (uScope). DC pro-the-book. At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, the book (unvalued uCase) and what table (unvalued uScope) are restacked. Matrix T picks up TOS the book. c_Q finds iWh what table.

Case-theoretic approach. expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
(1) John is easy to please	[john, d, please, 'v_unerg', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, v_be, 'T', c]	John (with unvalued uCase) is stacked after merge with please. v_unerg doesn't assign Case to John. Tinf assigns null Case to PRO. At the Local Extent (LE) boundary, the embedded CP, John (with unvalued uCase) is re-stacked. T picks up TOS John.
(2) The violin is easy to play the sonata on	[violin, the, on_nc, [sonata, the], play, 'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, v_be, 'T', c]	on_nc (no case) selects for the violin but does not assign it Case. At the Local Extent (LE) boundary, the embedded CP, the violin (with unvalued uCase) is re-stacked. Matrix T picks up TOS the violin.
(3) *What sonata is the violin easy to play on?	[violin, the, on_nc, [sonata, what:d], play, 'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, v_be, 'T', c_Q]	Does not converge. on_nc (no case) selects for the violin but does not assign it Case. what sonata is stacked (uScope). At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, what sonata (unvalued uScope) and the violin (unvalued uCase) are re-stacked. Matrix T fails to agree with TOS what sonata: nom Case clashes with acc Case assigned by embedded v*.
(4) The sonata is easy to play on this violin	[violin, this, on, [sonata, the], play, 'v_unerg', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, v_be, 'T', c]	on assigns Case to this violin. v_unerg doesn't assign Case to the sonata. At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, the sonata (unvalued uCase) is restacked. Matrix T picks up TOS the sonata.
(5) What violin is the sonata easy to play on?	[violin, what:d, on, [sonata, the], play, v_unerg, ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, v_be, 'T', c_Q]	on assigns Case to this violin. v_unerg doesn't assign Case to the sonata. At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, the sonata (unvalued uCase) and what violin (unvalued uScope) are restacked. Matrix T picks up TOS the sonata. c_Q finds iWh what violin.
(6) Linguists are tough to please	[linguists, d, please, v_unerg, ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, tough, v_be, 'T', c]	(Same as (1).) Linguists (with unvalued uCase) is stacked after merge with please. v_unerg doesn't assign Case to linguists. Tinf assigns null Case to PRO. At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, linguists (with unvalued uCase) is re-stacked. T picks up TOS linguists.
(7) It is tough to please linguists	[linguists, d, please,'v*', ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, tough, v_be, it, 'T', c]	v* assigns Case to linguists. (No restacking is done at the LE boundary, the embedded CP.) Expletive it merge to the edge of v_be. Agree(matrix T,it) obtains.
(8) The book is easy to put on the table	[table, the, on, [book, the], put, v_unerg, ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, 'v_be', 'T', c]	(Same as (4).) on assigns Case to the table. v_unerg doesn't assign Case to the book. At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, the book (unvalued uCase) is restacked. Matrix T picks up TOS the book.
(9) What table is the book easy to put on?	[table, what:d, on, [book, the], put, v_unerg, ['PRO', d0], 'Tinf', c, easy, 'v_be', 'T', c_Q]	(Same as (5).) on assigns Case to what table. v_unerg doesn't assign Case to the book. At the LE boundary, the embedded CP, the book (unvalued uCase) and what table (unvalued uScope) are restacked. Matrix T picks up TOS the book. c_Q finds iWh what table.

Relative clause constructions: inspired by (Gallego, 2010) and (Chen, (p.c.)). expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
(14a) the book that I read (14c) the book I read	[book, d_rel, read, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. d_rel has iRel but cannot check book's uD feature. c_rel has uT and uRel, and heads a Local Extent (LE). Two ways to satisfy c_rel using Pesetsky and Torrego (2001): (1) T to edge of c_rel => that (2) Nom Case-marked I to edge of c_rel => empty At the LE boundary, book (uD) is restacked. TOS book merges with c_relP. book labels (head merging with non-head). Stream the merges with SO headed by book.
(14b) the book which I read *the book which that I read	[book, which_rel, read, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Single derivation. which_rel has iRel. which_rel can check uT but not uD feature. c_rel heads a LE, and has uT and uRel. Internal merge of which_rel book will satisfy both uT and uRel on c_rel. (By economy, T to C is not available.) At the LE boundary, book (uD) is restacked. book merges with c_relP, then with the.
(16a) the man to whom I talked the man whom I talked to *the man whom that I talked to	[man, who_rel, to, talk, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. who_rel has iRel. who_rel can check uT but not uD feature. c_rel heads a LE, and has uT and uRel. Internal merge of who_rel man will satisfy both uT and uRel on c_rel. (By economy, T to C is not available.) At the LE boundary, man (uD) is restacked. man merges with c_relP, then with the. Optional pied-piping of verb particle to.
(16b) The man to that I talked (16c) The man to I talked The man I talked to The man that I talked to	[man, d_rel, to, talk, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	Two derivations. d_rel has iRel but cannot check man's uD feature. c_rel has uT and uRel, and heads a LE. Two ways to satisfy c_rel using Pesetsky and Torrego (2001): (1) T to edge of c_rel => that (2) Nom Case-marked I to edge of c_rel => empty At the LE boundary, man (uD) is restacked. TOS man merges with c_relP. man labels (head merging with non-head). Stream the merges with SO headed by man. [Note: no pied-piping of verb particle to with d_rel-man. [An] EC [Empty Category] disallows pied-piping (Chomsky, 2001:28)]
(22) The man who John saw *The man who that John saw	[man, who_rel, see, 'v*', [john, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. who_rel has iRel. who_rel can check uT but not uD feature. c_rel heads a LE, and has uT and uRel. Internal merge of who_rel man will satisfy both uT and uRel on c_rel. (By economy, T to C is not available.) At the LE boundary, man (uD) is restacked. man merges with c_relP, then with the.
(29) The man who loves Mary *The man who that loves Mary	[mary, d, love, 'v*', [man, who_rel], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	One derivation. who_rel has iRel. who_rel can check uT but not uD feature. The subject who_rel-man is formed in a substream. man (uD) will be initially stacked in the substream and transferred back to the main stream. c_rel heads a LE, and has uT and uRel. Internal merge of who_rel man will satisfy both uT and uRel on c_rel. (By economy, T to C is not available.) At the LE boundary, man (uD) is restacked. man merges with c_relP, then with the. [Note: under machine parameter setting substream(subsume_ss), main stream subject who-man (uCase) will subsume man (uD) from a substream on the stack. To prevent this, tentatively we implement the policy of letting heads through.]
(35) The boy *(that) called Mary	[mary, d, call, 'v*', [boy, d_rel], 'Tpast', c_rel, the]	d_rel has iRel but cannot check man's uD feature. c_rel has uT and uRel, and heads a LE. Assume d_rel cannot check uT, i.e. d_rel-boy, despite getting nom Case, fails to satisfy uT on c_rel. Then c_rel's uT can only be satisfied by moving T to the edge of c_rel => that.
Extra test cases
(x1) What I read *What that I read	[pro_n, what_rel, read, 'v*', [i, d], 'Tpast', c_rel, d]	Headless relative. One derivation. Assume what is what_rel + pro_n (empty pronominal). what_rel has iRel. what_rel can check uT but not uD feature. c_rel heads a LE, and has uT and uRel. Internal merge of what_rel pro_n will satisfy both uT and uRel on c_rel. (By economy, T to C is not available.) At the LE boundary, pro_n (uD) is restacked. pro_n merges with c_relP, then with d.
(x2) What annoys John *What that annoys John	[john, d, annoy, 'v*', [pro_n, what_rel], 'T', c_rel, d]	Headless relative. One derivation. Assume what is what_rel + pro_n (empty pronominal). what_rel has iRel. what_rel can check uT but not uD feature. c_rel heads a LE, and has uT and uRel. Internal merge of what_rel pro_n will satisfy both uT and uRel on c_rel. (By economy, T to C is not available.) At the LE boundary, pro_n (uD) is restacked. pro_n merges with c_relP, then with d.

Test cases from A Course in GB Syntax (Lasnik & Uriagereka,1988). expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
Strong Crossover
Who₁ thinks (that) Mary likes him₁	[who, q, he, d, like, 'v*', [mary, d], 'T', c_eQ, think, v_unerg, 'T', c_Q]	Doubling Constituent (DC) he-who object of embedded verb like. Two derivations. [Note: Need to allow c stack search to find (invisible) who.]
Who₁ thinks (that) Mary likes him₂	[he, d, like, 'v*', [mary, d], 'T', c_e, think, v_unerg, [who, q], 'T', c_Q]	No DC. He is object of embedded verb like. Who is subject of matrix verb think. Two derivations.
*Who₁ does he₁ think Mary likes		No DC analysis possible.
Who₁ does he₂ think (that) Mary likes	[who, q, like, 'v*', [mary, d], 'T', c_eQ, think, v_unerg, [he, d], 'T', c_Q]	No DC. Who object of embedded verb like. He subject of matrix verb think. Two derivations.

Arabic examples collapse

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
ما بيروحوا ma b-yruuH-u neg indic.imperf go.they "They don't go (out)"	[ruuH, v_unerg, [pro_henna,d], t_imperf, indic, neg, c]	(Brustad 2000:122)
تعلمت اللغة من جيراننا tEallm-t el-lugha min jiiran-na learned.1st.sg. the-language.f from neighbors.m-our I learned the language from our neighbor	[lugha, el, [jiiraan, poss, [niHna,d], min], tEallm, v_trans, [pro_ana,d], t_perf, c]	Pair-merge.
بيروحو بهالعتمة b-y-ruuH-u bi-ha- el-ʕatma indic-go.3rd.pl.m in- the-darkness.f	[aEtma, el, ha, bi, ruuH, v_unerg, [pro_henna,d], t_imperf, indic, c]	Brustad 2000:118
ما يشوفوا العروس لليلة العرس maa y-shuuf-u el-ʕaruus la-lelt el-ʕars neg see.3rd.pl.m the-bride.f until-night.f the-wedding.m "they used to not see the bride until the night..."	[aEruus, el, [aErs, el, gen, lelt, d, la], shuuf, v_trans, [pro_henna, d], t_imperf, neg, kaan, c]	This is currently the abbreviated version of the full phrase kaan-u maa y-shuuf-u el-ʕaruus la-lelt el-ʕars. Was.3rd.pl.m neg. see.3rd.pl.m the-bride.f until-night.f of-the-wedding.m Pair-merge.
جاب له صحن بوظة zhaab l-u SaHn buuDHa brought.3rd.sg.m to-him plate.m (of).ice-cream.f he brought him a plate of ice cream	[buuDHa, d, gen, saaHn, d, [huwa, d, l], zhaab, v_trans, [pro_huwa, d], t_perf, c]	A phrase from the full sentence "zhaab l-u SaHn buuDHa Saar y-aakl-u bi-el-khebez" he brought him a plate of ice cream, he began to eat it with bread. Pair Merge with spliced PP.
يكونوا عم بيتمشّوا بالشارع y-kuun-u ʕam b-y-tmashh-u bi-el-shaarʕa was.3rd.pl.m prog. indic-walk.3rd.pl.m in-the-street.m ...they'd be walking in the street	[shaarEa, el, bi, tmashh, v_unerg,[pro_henna,d], t_imperf, indic, 'Eam', kaan, c]	Brustad 2000:216
الضار ما كبيرش eD-Dar maa kbir-a-sh the-house.f.sg. not big.f.-not the house is not big	[dar, el, kbira, t, neg, c]	In some dialects, e.g. Moroccan and Jordanian, negation is split into maa + -sh. -sh affix hops over the predicate root.

Japanese examples (Miyagawa 2001) expand

Example	Instruction stream (clickable)	Notes
(1a) 鬼が花子を食った oni-ga hanako-o kuu-ta ogre-NOM hanako-ACC eat-PAST (1b) 花子を鬼が食った hanako-o oni-ga kuu-ta hanako-ACC ogre-NOM eat-PAST "The ogre ate Hanako"	[hanako, d, kuu, 'v*', [oni, d], 'Tpast', c]	Basic subject/object scrambling. Allow internal Merge to edge of T from either subject or object position.
(2a) 花子がサムにメールをした hanako-ga samu-ni mēru-o suru-ta hanako-NOM Sam-DAT mail-ACC do-PAST (2b) メールを花子がサムにした mēru-o hanako-ga samu-ni suru-ta mail-ACC hanako-NOM Sam-DAT do-PAST (2c) サムに花子がメールをした samu-ni hanako-ga mēru-o suru-ta Sam-DAT hanako-NOM mail-ACC do-PAST "Hanako sent Sam an email"	[samu, d, suru, v, ['mēru', d], 'v*', [hanako, d], 'Tpast', c]	Ditransitive frame. No FocP. v values dative Case. Base order: Agent Theme Goal (Assume ni-marked Goal is lower than Theme.) Undergenerates: only 3 permutations possible: (a) Agent Theme Goal, (b) Theme Agent Goal, and (c) Goal Agent Theme.
(3a) 花子がメールをサムにした hanako-ga mēru-o samu-ni suru-ta hanako-NOM mail-ACC Sam-DAT do-PAST (3b) メールを花子がサムにした mēru-o hanako-ga samu-ni suru-ta mail-ACC hanako-NOM Sam-DAT do-PAST (3c) サムに花子がメールをした samu-ni hanako-ga mēru-o suru-ta Sam-DAT hanako-NOM mail-ACC do-PAST (3d) 花子がサムにメールをした hanako-ga samu-ni mēru-o suru-ta hanako-NOM Sam-DAT mail-ACC do-PAST (3e) メールを花子がサムにした mēru-o hanako-ga samu-ni suru-ta mail-ACC hanako-NOM Sam-DAT do-PAST (3f) サムにメールを花子がした samu-ni mēru-o hanako-ga suru-ta Sam-DAT mail-ACC hanako-NOM do-PAST (3g) 花子がサムにメールをした hanako-ga samu-ni mēru-o suru-ta hanako-NOM Sam-DAT mail-ACC do-PAST (3h) メールをサムに花子がした mēru-o samu-ni hanako-ga suru-ta mail-ACC Sam-DAT hanako-NOM do-PAST (3i) サムに花子がメールをした samu-ni hanako-ga mēru-o suru-ta Sam-DAT hanako-NOM mail-ACC do-PAST "Hanako sent Sam an email"	[samu, d, suru, v, ['mēru', d], 'v*', [hanako, d], foc, 'Tpast', c]	Ditransitive frame. FocP with EF above v*P. Base order: Agent Theme Goal (Assume ni-marked Goal is lower than Theme.) Overgenerates: 9 permutations, only 6 distinct: initial 3 same as (2a-c). (3d)=(3g), (3b)=(3e), (3c)=(3i)

Input:

Size: (x1) (x4)

Websocket: 8010 CONNECTED DISCONNECTED 8010 CONNECTED DISCONNECTED 8010 CONNECTED DISCONNECTED 8010 CONNECTED DISCONNECTED 8010 CONNECTED DISCONNECTED 8010 CONNECTED DISCONNECTED 8010 CONNECTED DISCONNECTED 8010 CONNECTED DISCONNECTED 8010 CONNECTED DISCONNECTED 8010 CONNECTED DISCONNECTED

Parameter	Setting	Description
substream_stack	on	Allow transfer of substream stack back to mainstream
pmerge_flag	off	Allow spellout of pair-merge in either order
invis_push	on	Push nonhead of DC merge onto the stack invis(_)
search	stk	Search SO or stack for unvalued uF to be released
drop_stack	off	Drop stack items that are two phase boundaries down
stack_access	local	Local or global access to elements of the stack
le	on	Local Extent boundary conditions, used to trigger stacking of unvalued uF SOs
subphrase_check	subsume_ss	Push element onto stack, first check if subconstituent is already there
c_stack_search	invis	c stack search normal or can see into invis wrapped elements
vprint	on	Print stack as vertical list

Machine Parameters: expand

Animation:
ما بيروحوا
ma b-yruuH-u
neg indic.imperf go.they
"They don't go (out)"

Derivation:
ما بيروحوا
ma b-yruuH-u
neg indic.imperf go.they
"They don't go (out)"

Stream:	[[ruuH],[v_unerg],[[pro_henna!D],[d!case!N]],[t_imperf!phi],[indic],[neg],[c]]
Stack (⥥):
SO:	[]

Step 1.

Merge [v_unerg] and [ruuH]

Label from [v_unerg] (leftmost by default)

Stream:	[[[pro_henna!D],[d!case!N]],[t_imperf!phi],[indic],[neg],[c]]
Stack (⥥):
SO:	[v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]]

Step 2.

Begin substream

Stream:	[[pro_henna!D],[d!case!N]]
Stack (⥥):
SO:	[]

Step 3.

Merge [d!case!N] and [pro_henna!D]

Label from [d!case!N] (head with an unvalued uF)

Inherit interpretable [f(phi,[3,pl,m])] from [pro_henna!D]

[d!case!N] values D on [pro_henna!D]

[pro_henna] values N on [d!case!N]

Stream:	[]
Stack (⥥):
SO:	[d!case[d][pro_henna]]

End substream, SO [d!case[d][pro_henna]] re-inserted into main stream

Step 4.

Stream:	[[d!case[d][pro_henna]],[t_imperf!phi],[indic],[neg],[c]]
Stack (⥥):
SO:	[v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]]

Step 5.

Merge [v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]] and [d!case[d][pro_henna]]

Label from [v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]] (edge feature)

Theta-mark [d!case[d][pro_henna]]

Push [d!case[d][pro_henna]] (unvalued uF) onto stack

Stream:	[[t_imperf!phi],[indic],[neg],[c]]
Stack (⥥):	[d!case[d][pro_henna]]
SO:	[v_unerg[d!case[d][pro_henna]][v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]]]

Step 6.

Merge [t_imperf!phi] and [v_unerg[d!case[d..][pro_henna..]][v_unerg[v_unerg..][ruuH..]]]

Label from [t_imperf!phi] (head merging with a non-head)

[d!case[d][pro_henna]] values uPhi on [t_imperf!phi]

[t_imperf] values nom case on [d!case[d][pro_henna]]

Stream:	[[indic],[neg],[c]]
Stack (⥥):	[d[d][pro_henna]]
SO:	[t_imperf[t_imperf][v_unerg[d[d][pro_henna]][v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]]]]

Step 7.

Internal merge selected

Merge [t_imperf[t_imperf][v_unerg[d..][v_unerg..]]] and [d[d][pro_henna]]

Label from [t_imperf[t_imperf][v_unerg[d..][v_unerg..]]] (edge feature)

Stream:	[[indic],[neg],[c]]
Stack (⥥):	[d[d][pro_henna]]
SO:	[t_imperf[d[d][pro_henna]][t_imperf[t_imperf][v_unerg[d[d][pro_henna]][v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]]]]]

Step 8.

Merge [indic] and [t_imperf[d[d..][pro_henna..]][t_imperf[t_imperf..][v_unerg..]]]

Label from [indic] (head merging with a non-head)

Stream:	[[neg],[c]]
Stack (⥥):	[d[d][pro_henna]]
SO:	[indic[indic][t_imperf[d[d][pro_henna]][t_imperf[t_imperf][v_unerg[d[d][pro_henna]][v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]]]]]]

Step 9.

Internal merge selected

Merge [indic[indic][t_imperf[d..][t_imperf..]]] and [d[d][pro_henna]]

Label from [indic[indic][t_imperf[d..][t_imperf..]]] (edge feature)

Stream:	[[neg],[c]]
Stack (⥥):	[d[d][pro_henna]]
SO:	[indic[d[d][pro_henna]][indic[indic][t_imperf[d[d][pro_henna]][t_imperf[t_imperf][v_unerg[d[d][pro_henna]][v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]]]]]]]

Step 10.

Merge [neg] and [indic[d[d..][pro_henna..]][indic[indic..][t_imperf..]]]

Label from [neg] (head merging with a non-head)

Stream:	[[c]]
Stack (⥥):	[d[d][pro_henna]]
SO:	[neg[neg][indic[d[d][pro_henna]][indic[indic][t_imperf[d[d][pro_henna]][t_imperf[t_imperf][v_unerg[d[d][pro_henna]][v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]]]]]]]]

Step 11.

Internal merge selected

Merge [neg[neg][indic[d..][indic..]]] and [d[d][pro_henna]]

Label from [neg[neg][indic[d..][indic..]]] (edge feature)

Stream:	[[c]]
Stack (⥥):	[d[d][pro_henna]]
SO:	[neg[d[d][pro_henna]][neg[neg][indic[d[d][pro_henna]][indic[indic][t_imperf[d[d][pro_henna]][t_imperf[t_imperf][v_unerg[d[d][pro_henna]][v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]]]]]]]]]

Step 12.

Merge [c] and [neg[d[d..][pro_henna..]][neg[neg..][indic..]]]

Label from [c] (head merging with a non-head)

Stream:	[]
Stack (⥥):	[d[d][pro_henna]]
SO:	[c[c][neg[d[d][pro_henna]][neg[neg][indic[d[d][pro_henna]][indic[indic][t_imperf[d[d][pro_henna]][t_imperf[t_imperf][v_unerg[d[d][pro_henna]][v_unerg[v_unerg][ruuH]]]]]]]]]]

Parse:

Spell-out:

maa -sh b~ y~ -u ruuH (after morpheme realization)

maa b~ y~ ruuH -u -sh (after affix-hop)

maa b~ y~ ruuH -u -sh (after morpheme realization, stage 2)

maa b-y-ruuH-u-sh

One derivation found.

Computational Cost:

Merge: 10, Agree: 4, Unify: 0, Push: 1, Boundaries: 0, Inject: 0

Non-TOS access: 0, Pop: 0, Depth cost: 0

Step:	0	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10	11	12
Stack depth:	0	0	0	0	0	1	1	1	1	1	1	1	1